

a blog from Nanaimo pjculley at shaw.ca





"Little Mountain Housing Project (B.C.'s first publicly subsidized residential community when it was created in 1954) sits upon a six- hectare, 224-unit property bounded by Main Street on the east, Ontario St. on the west, and 33rd and 37th streets at the north and south.
While outcries greeted its '50s inception ("Socialist!" railed the naysayers) and protests are still ringing against recent evictions and relocations, a pall of inevitability has descended over the grounds, along with another spectre -- an aura of failed utopianism.
The once-ambitious government social project now is in the first stages of demolition and replacement. But when and with what is not yet clear. The aged complex -- both altruistic and yet anachronistically blessed in space and location -- does not encourage a convenient political position for either the left or right..."

The Age of Briggs & Stratton

"...Walk into any criminal courtroom in the country where a convicted defendant is pleading for light or no punishment and that's exactly what you'll hear: "I've already been punished enough, Your Honor. My reputation has been ruined, my health is suffering, I lost my job. What more do you want to do to me?"
But -- when it comes to common criminals -- our political class rejects those pleas, turns a resolutely deaf ear to them. For those people, we continue to erect ever-harsher criminal sanctions, mandatory minimum sentencing schemes, and an increasingly merciless criminal justice system. As a result, we imprison more of our population than any other country on the planet. Even people who commit petty, harmless offenses -- corner drug dealing with other adults or even mere drug possession -- have the full weight of the criminal justice system smashing down upon them, thanks to our "tough-on-crime" political class. They go to prison, are separated from their families, are put into cages, permanently labeled "felons."
Yet the same political establishment that has created and continues to fuel this incomparably merciless justice system has made themselves exempt from the rule of law. When they flagrantly violate even the most consequential criminal prohibitions -- laws criminalizing torture, spying on American citizens, obstruction of justice -- it's only the shrill rabble (the "incendiary Democratic base") who would possibly believe that they should be held accountable and investigated, let alone prosecuted and imprisoned. All of the upstanding, responsible, Serious people understand that these aren't real "crimes." These are merely acts which "critics call illegal" -- or what Goldsmith calls "mistakes" or "act[ions] that seemed reasonable at the time but now seem inappropriate."
And besides, even if you want to get all technical about it and say that they "broke the law," everyone Serious knows that "criminal prosecutions" weren't created for high government officials. As Goldsmith so movingly points out, it's already bad enough that Good and Important People like John Yoo, David Addington, Alberto Gonzales, Dick Cheney and friends have suffered what Goldsmith describes as "severe criticism" and even "enormous reputational losses." Criticism and reputational damage! In the name of God, what more do you want to do to these people?"
"It is a long, very gradual climb from Greensboro to Wilkes County.
Wilkes County is all hills, ridges, woods and underbrush, full of pin
oaks, sweet-gum maples, ash, birch, apple trees, rhododendron, rocks,
vines, tin roofs, little clapboard places like the Mount Olive Baptist
Church, signs for things like Double Cola, Sherrill's Ice Cream,
Eckard's Grocery, Dr. Pepper, Diel's Apples, Google's Place, Suddith's
Place and -- yes! -- cars. Up onto the highway, out of a side road from
a hollow, here comes a 1947 Hudson. To almost anybody it would look
like just some old piece of junk left over from God knows when, rolling
down a country road . . . the 1947 Hudson was one of the first real
"hot" cars made after the war. Some of the others were the 1946
Chrysler, which had a "kick-down" gear for sudden bursts of speed, the
1955 Pontiac and a lot of the Fords. To a great many good old boys a
hot car was a symbol of heating up life itself. The war! Money even for
country boys! And the money bought cars. In California they suddenly
found kids of all sorts involved in vast drag racing orgies and
couldn't figure out what was going on. But in the South the mania for
cars was even more intense, although much less publicized. To millions
of good old boys, and girls, the automobile represented not only
liberation from what was still pretty much a land -- bound form of
social organization but also a great leap forward into
twentieth-century glamor, an idea that was being dinned in on the South
like everywhere else. It got so that one of the typical rural sights,
in addition to the red rooster, the gray split-rail fence, the
Edgeworth Tobacco sign and the rusted-out harrow, one of the typical
rural sights would be . . . you would be driving along the dirt roads
and there beside the house would be an automobile up on blocks or
something, with a rope over the tree for hoisting up the motor or some
other heavy part, and a couple of good old boys would be practically
disappearing into its innards, from below and from above, draped over
the side under the hood. It got so that on Sundays there wouldn't be a
safe straight stretch of road in the county, because so many wild
country boys would be out racing or just raising hell on the roads. A
lot of other kids, who weren't basically wild, would be driving like
hell every morning and every night, driving to jobs perhaps thirty or
forty miles away, jobs that were available only because of automobiles.
In the morning they would be driving through the dapple shadows like
madmen. In the hollows, sometimes one would come upon the most
incredible tarpaper hovels, down near the stream, and out front would
be an incredible automobile creation, a late-model car with aerials,
Continental kit overhangs in the back, mudguards studded with
reflectors, fender skirts, spotlights, God knows what all, with a girl
and perhaps a couple of good old boys communing over it and giving you
rotten looks as you drive by. On Saturday night everybody would drive
into town and park under the lights on the main street and neck. Yes!
There was something about being right in there in town underneath the
lights and having them reflecting off the baked enamel on the hood.
Then if a good old boy insinuated his hands here and there on the front
seat with a girl and began . . . necking . . somehow it was all more
complete. After the war there was a great deal of stout -- burgher talk
about people who lived in hovels and bought big -- yacht cars to park
out front. This was one of the symbols of a new, spendthrift age. But
there was a great deal of unconscious resentment buried in the talk. It
was resentment against (a) the fact that the good old boy had his money
at all and (b) the fact that the car symbolized freedom, a slightly
wild, careening emancipation from the old social order. Stock-car
racing got started about this time, right after the war, and it was
immediately regarded as some kind of manifestation of the animal
irresponsibility of the lower orders. It had a truly terrible
reputation. It was -- well, it looked rowdy or something. The cars were
likely to be used cars, the tracks were dirt, the stands were rickety
wood, the drivers were country boys, and they had regular feuds out
there, putting each other "up against the wall" and "cutting tires" and
everything else. Those country boys would drive into the curves full
tilt, then slide maniacally, sometimes coming around the curve
sideways, with red dirt showering up. Sometimes they would race at
night, under those weak-eyed yellow-ochre lights they have at small
tracks and baseball fields, and the clay dust would start showering up
in the air, where the evening dew would catch it, and all evening long
you would be sitting in the stands or standing out in the infield with
a fine clay mud drizzle coming down on you, not that anybody gave a
damn -- except for the Southern upper and middle classes, who never
attended in those days, but spoke of the "rowdiness."
But mainly it was the fact that stock-car racing was something
that was welling up out of the lower orders. From somewhere these
country boys and urban proles were getting the money and starting this
sport..."

"Participants fortified themselves with coffee and Subway sandwiches. Another English professor contributed a devil's-food cake and a pair of devil's horns. Somebody drew a picture of the archangel Michael on the chalkboard..."



You do not always know what I am feeling.
Last night in the warm spring air while I was
blazing my tirade against someone who doesn't
interest
me, it was love for you that set me
afire,
and isn't it odd? for in rooms full of
strangers my most tender feelings
writhe and
bear the fruit of screaming. Put out your hand,
isn't there
an ashtray, suddenly, there? beside
the bed? And someone you love enters the room
and says wouldn't
you like the eggs a little
different today?
And when they arrive they are
just plain scrambled eggs and the warm weather
is holding.
Frank O'Hara




"The painful truth for conservatives is that the dogs aren't eating their dog food -- and every national trend indicates that they will never eat it again. Which means the GOP faces a wrenching choice: remain true to its increasingly irrelevant and rejected ideology and fade into political insignificance, or remake itself as essentially a more moderate version of the Democratic Party..."

"Transition advisers to President-elect Barack Obama have compiled a list of about 200 Bush administration actions and executive orders that could be swiftly undone to reverse White House policies on climate change, stem cell research, reproductive rights and other issues, according to congressional Democrats, campaign aides and experts working with the transition team.
A team of four dozen advisers, working for months in virtual solitude, set out to identify regulatory and policy changes Obama could implement soon after his inauguration. The team is now consulting with liberal advocacy groups, Capitol Hill staffers and potential agency chiefs to prioritize those they regard as the most onerous or ideologically offensive, said a top transition official who was not permitted to speak on the record about the inner workings of the transition.
In some instances, Obama would be quickly delivering on promises he made during his two-year campaign, while in others he would be embracing Clinton-era policies upended by President Bush during his eight years in office.
"The kind of regulations they are looking at" are those imposed by Bush for "overtly political" reasons, in pursuit of what Democrats say was a partisan Republican agenda, said Dan Mendelson, a former associate administrator for health in the Clinton administration's Office of Management and Budget. The list of executive orders targeted by Obama's team could well get longer in the coming days, as Bush's appointees rush to enact a number of last-minute policies in an effort to extend his legacy."